Wednesday, October 8, 2014

Professor, Call on Me!!


I always felt ripped off as a political science major because I didn't need to take American Heritage. Out of all of the hundreds of (mostly) freshman at BYU enrolled in such a course, I would have actually liked the class. For this project, I was finally able to realize my dream and attend several lectures of American Heritage to determine whether there is an inequality between the genders for class participation. The results are interesting and yet, unsettled.

The setup:
For a total of 9 different class periods, I observed the classes of professors X and Y. Each time students raised their hands to comment, I did my best to write down who was raising their hands (the mixture of men and women) and who actually got called on to participate. For those who are familiar with American Heritage, the enormous class size can seem pretty daunting to all who might participate. However, according to the discussions I had with random, individual students, the class size is not the biggest deterrent for participation.

Reasons and limitations:
I chose to observe American Heritage for some distinctive reasons (besides my own latent desire to join such a class). Firstly, the American Heritage credit required by BYU is most easily fulfilled by taking the American Heritage class (otherwise, combinations of Econ, History, and/or Political Science classes are the necessary substitute). This means that a large group of students mostly the same age are taking the class—meaning that the students should be as statistically representative of any group of BYU freshmen as can feasibly be. It is also worth mentioning that there should be an equal representation of both men and women in American Heritage classes. 

Because of scheduling, I was able to observe nine different class periods of one hour each. Unfortunately, I was able to observe X’s class only twice—he canceled once and subsequently sent his students to Y’s class.

Although I did my best, I am sure that I missed seeing some students raise hands in an attempt to participate. Therefore, I generally did not write down the specific number of hands raised at each instance, but I tried to generally see if there was a mix of both men and women raising hands and which gender was called upon to answer.

Observations:
Though in classes of approximately 150 (X’s class) or 400 students (Y’s classes), I was impressed by the professors attempts to have students participate at all. Those are big classes and logistically, participation is not easy. However, I think a desirable outcome of American Heritage classes in general should be students who are comfortable with participation—especially regarding government and politics.

Though I only observed two classes that were taught by X, the difference in participation between his classes and Y’s classes are noteworthy enough to examine further.

These are the participant ratios of women vs. men in X’s two class periods I observed:

Table 1


Female
Male
Female participation%
Day 2:
6
4
60%
Day 3:
8
1
89%
Total
14
5
74%







Notice that when combined, the female:male ratio is 14:5—or that women participated 74% of the time in X’s class. With an essentially equal distribution of men and women in the class, men and women should be participating equally as well. In both of these class periods, women’s participation is over 50%.

Compare now to the participation ratios of students in Y’s classes:

Table 2


Female
Male
Female participation%
Day 1:
Class 2
1
4
20%
Day 2:
Class 1
0
2
0%
Day 2:
Class 2
3
2
60%*
Day 3:
Class 1
5
6
45%
Day 3:
Class 2
3
7
30%
Day 4:
Class 1
1
3
25%
Day 4:
Class 2
3
2
60%
Total
16
26
38%



















When looking at Table 2 as a whole, the female:male ratio is 16:26, with 38% of participation coming from women. As with X’s class, there are an equal number of male and female students in Y’s classes, yet 71% of the time (in 5/7 classes) the women participate less than the men.

*It is interesting to mention that in this particular class period all three of the instances of female participation were questions those women asked about the upcoming test, not a response or question relating to class discussion.

After combining all of the data from both professors, whatever gender gap that may have been there, vanishes. Combined female:male participation ratio is 30:31, meaning women participated 49% of the time.

Delving deeper:
Though not perfect, my written observations provide some more details that make the question of participation more interesting. We know from Tables 1 and 2 who is being called on, but who is raising their hands in the first place? From the 31 instances of participation in general, in 19 of those times, both men and women raise their hands. The ratio is as follows for females:males 8:11. Therefore, when both men and women raised their hands simultaneously, 58% of the time, men were called upon first.

Both professors tried hard to call upon each student that raised their hands to participate. Obviously this is not possible all of the time, but there were a couple of instances when I saw women raising their hands seemingly unnoticed by the professor, and therefore ignored and not called upon.

It appeared to me that women who raised their hands often did so timidly. In a class that large, bold hand raising is necessary for a professor to notice. Even women who were bold enough to offer their hand seemed to be overshadowed by some of the other male participants.

Professors X and Y have different classes and different methods. X’s advantage in a relatively smaller class than Y is that no microphone is necessary for students to make comments and be heard by everyone. In Y’s classes, his TA's are sent around with a microphone at specific times when Prof. Y is seeking the participation of students. This is not only more difficult logistically (to run mics around), but it does not foster much random participation from students.

Remarks by students:
I tried to talk to one random student as they walked out of class each time I observed. I would ask them the same question and each gave the same response:

                “Have you ever commented in this class?”
                “No.”

I asked each of them why and what would encourage them to do so in the future. Most insisted that the class size is not what hindered their participation. These are some of their responses summarized:

·         I mostly agree with what is said in the discussion. If I were to disagree strongly, I would comment.
·         My comments aren’t good enough.
·         I’m just here to observe and learn.
·         I don’t feel very strongly about what we discuss in class.
·         The professor shoots down everyone’s comments by contradicting them and making them look stupid. The professor is intimidating, not the class size.

Conclusion:
Limitations aside, this research experiment sheds some light about gender and participation in class settings at BYU. I feel confident that a more comprehensive study would provide more understanding about the way men and women participate. As far as the American Heritage classes taught by Professors X and Y are concerned—there is not much cause for alarm when results are pooled together. However, a less intimidating approach to seeking participation would likely encourage more women to speak up—especially if they don’t fear the condemnation of their peers and/or professor.


If nothing else, I sure got a kick out of finally being a student in American Heritage. 

Wednesday, September 24, 2014

Gendered Toy Advertisement



Toys will be toys? 


As my cousins run around the house play-fighting with light-sabers and Spider-Man wrist bands, my aunt looks at us, rolls her eyes and laughs all at once. She watches her daughter for another minute before she says, “Lily loves coming over here because all the boys have cool toys.”

Later that year, Lily showed up on our doorstep on Halloween in a Spider-Man costume and her mom let out a sigh, “Ah, I couldn’t persuade her out of this costume. Oh well.”

At the time Lily was still a toddler, but she is now a first-grader. Her personality is outgoing and energetic as ever, but over the years she’s strayed away from playing with the light-sabers and Spider-Man costumes in lieu of hot pink, stuffed unicorns and Barbie dolls. So what could have changed?



Studies have shown that children do not understand the consistency of gender until around the age of seven (Lily’s age). This means that until around this age children realize that she or he will always be fall under the category of boy or girl. Once this happens children begin to more closely observe same-sex models to interpret and display the characteristics and behaviors of a girl or a boy. Family is one of the main modeling sources, but television and shows can be just as influential. Yet, what are often forgotten about are the commercials and ads that play in between breaks.

Walk into any Wal-Mart, Target, Toys-R-Us and you will see a distinct separation of colors and in the aisles alone. Now if you walk through those aisles you’ll see an even clearer distinction as to what types of toys are meant for girls and what toys are meant for boys. The “girl” toys consist of beauty salons, baby dolls, and mini house cleaning supplies, while “boy” toys are cars, swords, and construction-focused.

In her research Elizabeth Sweet examined Sears catalogues from 1975 and discovered that in recent years, advertisement for children’s toys has become more gendered over time. In fact, few toys were clearly—or subtly—defined as girl or boy toys. They were just toys.

It may be that parents socialize children into gender norms by investing in these toys, but it doesn’t begin with parents. It begins with the advertisement industry. Sweet points to a study published in 1993 revealing that parents bought more gender-typed toys when their children asked for them. Whereas when parents chose the toys on their own, the toys were less likely to be so highly gendered.


If children are demanding and parents are supplying who is influencing? Let’s go back to commercials and ads. The following examples are just a few of the ways children’s toys are advertised to fit gendered roles. 








Toy companies may argue that gendered-toys is are a supply to a pre-existing demand—that children already want these types of toys. However, if children don't develop views of gender consistency until the age of seven, what factors influence this? It's a complicated issue that differs based on child, parent, and media exposure, but nevertheless worth considering. 

Switzerland recently made an effort to present a more gender-neutral toys catalog and the response has been mixed. Only through time will we ultimately see what difference toy advertisement can have on children's gender socialization.

***

Works Cited
Abadi, Ponta. "Kids’ Toys: More Gendered Than Ever." Ms Magazine Blog. Ms Magazine, 5 June 2013. Web. 20 Sept. 2014.
Brastad, Monica. "Care Bears vs. Transformers: Gender Stereotypes in Advertisements." The Socjournal. N.p., n.d. Web. 20 Sept. 2014.
Mustich, Emma. "Swedish Toys"R"Us Christmas Catalog Challenges Gender Stereotypes (PHOTOS)." The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 27 Nov. 2012. Web. 23 Sept. 2014.
Sweet, Elizabeth. "Guys and Dolls No More?" The New York Times. The New York Times, 22 Dec. 2012. Web. 20 Sept. 2014.

Sitcoms and Socialization

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average American spends almost 3 hours every day watching TV (1). This means that during the average week children and adults are bombarded with 27 hours of images, messages, and ideas that influence the way they think and operate. In the 1960’s, University of Pennsylvania’s Dr. George Gerbner posited an idea that he called “Cultivation Theory”. Cultivation Theory states that the more time that is spent viewing certain behaviors on television, the more likely the viewer is to conform to the reality that is shown to them. Later research by Gerbner and others have shown that this theory holds true in many different circumstances.


If the idea of Cultivation Theory is to be believed, the TV shows we we watch also change the way we think. Gender socialization is just one type of change, but it is an important one. One of the most popular genres of television programing, the sitcom, is a key contributor to this pattern of thinking. That harmless sitcom may be doing more to socialize genders than you might realize.

Sitcoms are one of the most popular genres of television shows. They rank only behind sports and reality TV in viewership. A sitcom is defined by the fact that it features a group of individuals operating in a common social and geographic setting. Sitcoms refine social interaction into short, easy to consume media morsels. For this reason it may be an even bigger engine of socialization than sports, which is much farther removed from any type of relatable situation, or reality TV, which many times adds in a level of complexity not seen in a classic sitcom setting. This puts the sitcom in a prime spot to be a major contributor to how people of different genders are socialized in our society.

Traditional sitcoms rely on the normal, everyday experience of people in order to introduce comedy into the situation. For this reason they are perfect vehicles for conveying socialized behaviors. Children are especially inclined to get ideas about gender roles through the shows they watch. Dr. Susan D. who teaches child development at Akron University stated, “Children’s ideas about how the world works come from the experiences they have and the attitudes and behaviors they see around them.” (2) She uses the example of children who see on TV that nurses are women and doctors are men. While these stereotypes can be true, they are enforced again and again as children see the same patterns repeated on TV.

In the past many of the female characters were portrayed as passive, indecisive, and subordinate to men (and see this reinforced by the environment around them). The implication of these behaviours on gender socialization is that “normal” women are expected to be passive and subordinate. The sitcom woman is loud, demanding, and assertive. If you are not this then you are seen to be an object of comedy and ridicule. It is unclear whether this socialization would lead a woman away from the comedic caricature or lead them closer to it because of the exposure to the media.

Male characters have also been through a similar transition except in reverse. Traditionally male characters on television programs have been more likely to be shown in leadership roles and exhibit assertive, decisive behavior. The sitcom male however is usually portrayed as clueless, indecisive, and “feminine”. The implication is usually that taking on these traditionally female roles, a man becomes a source of comedic relief, and not a man of action.

The effect is not all negative. Although “manly” women and “feminine” men were first introduced as comedic figures, these characters have added diversity of the way that television defines men and women. Many of the characteristics pushed onto female and male characters are actually changes in a positive directions. The introduction of the bumbling, father-does-not-know-best dad does influence males to be less assertive in their opinions and exercise less authority over their spouse. The assertive female, has most likely influenced more women to be open with their opinions. Take for example Amy Poehler’s character in the popular sitcom Parks and Recreation. She is outspoken, extremely assertive, and opinionated. In contrast her co star Chris Pratt plays Andy Dwyer a lovable but goofy guy who is most often portrayed as being a little clueless. This swap in the way genders are presented allows for a more open definition of what it means to be a man or a woman. Meaning that the way men and women allow themselves to act is also changing.


Whether you view these socialized behaviors as good or bad, the fact is that as long as television shows remain a popular form of media, it is likely that sitcoms will exist as well. The key is for consumers of the content to demand material that is funny but avoids introducing negative stereotypes. If the demand is there, producers of content will supply it.


  1. http://gozips.uakron.edu/~susan8/arttv.htm

Gender Socialization in Early Childhood Education

Gender Socialization in Early Childhood Education 



Outside of the home, a child spends the most waking hours inside a classroom. Teachers are one of the largest non-familial adult presences in a child’s life and therefore they play a key role in socialization. A socialization that occurs very early in a child’s life is gender socialization. There are two levels of acceptance that occur within gender, the acceptance of your gender identity and the acceptance of your gender role.  Honig (1983) discusses the differences in these and how they are accepted. A gender identity is normally accepted very early on in life. It is accepting that you are either male or female. Accepting a gender role is much different and continues to come throughout their life. This is an acceptance of the interests and expectations that come with your gender identity. How you dress, activities you should be interested in, personality traits you should possess and other differences among the gender are all part of your gender role. In early childhood interactions you, in most cases, have accepted your gender identity and are beginning to acquire your gender role.

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VqsbvG40Ww) In this video clip you can seem evidence of gender socialization that has occurred in early childhood.

I spent a year and a half as a teacher of the two-year-old class at Kinder Care Learning Center where I observed gender socialization in many different forms. In the remainder of this post I will outline through anecdotal evidence as well as scholarly research to outline different types of occurrences of gender socialization.  First I will discuss outspoken occurrences of gender socialization between peers followed by a discussion of gender socialization brought on by teachers. Finally I will discuss the ways early child hood education promotes equality and inequality among the genders.

While at Kinder Care I witnessed gender socialization occur between peers. Students would tell each other, you cannot wear that dress from the dress up clothing you are a girl, or you have to be the fire fighter because you are a boy. These things happened regularly and are often the effects of socialization that occurred at home or through the media. Whit, a professor at the University of Akron, discusses in an article entitled “The Influence of Peers on Children’s Socialization to Gender Roles” discusses the direct influence peers can have on gender socialization. Interaction with peers is where children observe and see how other children their same age act. Therefore it is a very integral part to the socialization of young children to interact and learn from their peers (Whit).  At Kinder Care I witnessed this regularly as children would use the excuse, “I have to have that toy because I am the boy” or “I get the pink paper because I am a girl.” The children looked at these interactions almost as teaching moments, where they got to inform their peers about an excepted norm of society that their friend obviously did not know about. This socialization was effective because even at a young age people want to be accepted by their peers. These interactions either exposed the child to a new idea about their gender role or further reinforced a gender role that they had be exposed to in the media or at home.

As I look back at my time as a teacher of the two-year-olds after reading more about gender socialization I realize that without realizing it I played into the gender socialization of these young children. I have vivid memories of asking the boys in the class to help me carry the box of toys outside, or asking one of the girls to come and assist me with frosting cookies. While at the time I was not thinking about gender socialization I realize I asked the specific genders I thought would enjoy the tasks more when there was not basis for my selection.  Cahill and Adams, in an article entitled “An Exploratory Study of Early Childhood Teachers' Attitudes Toward Gender Roles” discuss the different ways early childhood teachers can impact gender roles. The article discussed an experiment ran with teachers rating statements about gender socialization (Cahil and Adams 1997). They found that teachers are only moderately comfortable with children expressing interest in gender roles that are not typically inline with their own gender. Teachers appeared hesitant to encourage overlap between gender roles. This hesitation can lend itself to further gender socialization as the teachers encourage students to participate in activities more in line with their own gender (Cahil and Adams 1997).

Cahil and Adams also discuss in their article the ways that teachers socialize boys and girls differently. Although these differences in gender socialization can be subconscious they are often present. (Cahil and Adams 1997) Teachers encourage females when they desire to take on traits normally thought of as males. Teachers express pride when a girl wants to lead or play with the fire fighters or cars. Their reaction is different when it is a boy wanting to have female characteristics or wear female clothes. They express hesitance and discourage the behavior.  Teachers, especially at the early childhood level, are typically female and may try to over correct potential gender bias subconsciously by encouraging girls to cross over into gender roles potentially looked at as male roles. When they do this to their female students, but not their male students there is bias and inequality accidently created in the classroom.

In conclusion, early childhood education is a crucial and formative time for children where they are exposed to many different agents of socialization. Through interactions with their peers and teachers they are reassured in their gender identity and begin to take on the expected gender roles. These roles, while introduced most likely in the home, and reinforced by non-family member interactions that further encourage “proper” gender roles. Gender socialization with peers carries a large weight because of the desire of children even at a young age to fit in with those whom they associate with. A defiance to the wishes of the teacher may come more naturally to a child than openly going against what peers expect from them.



Citations:

Stromquist, Nelly P. 2007. The gender socialization process in schools: a cross-National comparison. Education for All Global Monitoring Report.

Cahill, Betsy and Eve Adams. 1997. An exploratory study for early childhood teachers’ attitudes towards gender roles.  Sex Roles 36 no. 7.

Whit, Susan D. The Influence of Peers on Children’s Socialization to Gender Roles.   University of Akron.

Harris, Judith Rich. 1995.  Where is the child’s environment? A group socialization theory of development. American Psychological Association 102 no. 3.


Honig AS. 1983. Training early childhood educators for the future.